Everyone who worked in an office in March 2020 remembers the week it emptied. What happened next has mostly been told from the other side of the desk: the landlord’s occupancy rate, the employer’s mandate, the badge-swipe index, the lease that did or did not get signed. Those measures say how full the buildings are. They do not say which New Yorkers are in them.

The Census Bureau asks the question from the worker’s side. Every year it asks a sample of residents how they usually got to work last week, and “worked from home” is one of the answers, next to the subway, the bus and the car. In its 2024 survey the city had about 4.1 million resident workers and 12.5% of them, about 510,000 people, usually worked from home. In 2019 the share was 4.6%, about 190,000 people. Nationally the 2024 figure is 13.3%, so New York, the city with the most office space in the country, is at home a little less than the country as a whole.

That one share hides the whole story, so let’s open it up: who moved home and who could not, what it did to the commute and to Manhattan, and where it stands now. The census microdata behind the table, the survey records themselves, run through 2024. A second survey, the one behind the monthly unemployment rate, asks a different question about working at home every month and carries the picture to August 2026; the MTA’s daily counts carry it to September. Every chart is interactive, and the raw data and code sit at the end.

From one in twenty to one in four and back to one in eight

The census has asked the same question every year, so the curve is easy to draw. Through the late 2010s the share of city workers usually at home crept from 4.0% to 4.7%. In 2021, the first full survey year after the offices closed, it was 24%, one worker in four. Then it came down: 16% in 2022, 13% in 2023, 12.5% in 2024. The drop from 2023 to 2024 was a single point, inside the margin. The return to the office, as far as the census can see it, happened in 2022 and 2023 and then levelled off.

 

 

One in twenty before 2020, one in four in 2021, one in eight since. Filter by borough, and switch the industry to see the office-based industries in 2019 and 2024.
Figure 1. One in twenty before 2020, one in four in 2021, one in eight since. Filter by borough, and switch the industry to see the office-based industries in 2019 and 2024.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

One bar per survey year; the black tick is the 90% margin of error. The 2020 survey used the Bureau’s experimental weights after the pandemic wrecked its response rates. The census counts a person as only if that was the usual way they got to work, so a hybrid worker who is in the office three days a week is a commuter here.

Two things about that curve matter for everything below. The first is that the census measures the usual place of work, not whether any work happened at home, so the 12.5% is the fully remote and the mostly remote, and the hybrid worker on a three-day office week is counted with the commuters. The second is that the 2019 to 2024 comparison is a comparison of two clean, full-year surveys of about 33,000 city workers each, with the same question, and the microdata lets us cut both the same way.

A pay gradient that did not exist before

Here is the first thing the published table cannot show. In 2019, working from home had almost nothing to do with pay. Sort workers by their , in 2024 dollars, and the share at home was 5.5% under $30,000, then 4.1%, 4.1%, 4.9% and 4.9% up through $150,000 and over. The remote worker of 2019 was as likely to be a freelancer or a home day-care provider as an executive.

In 2024 the same sort gives 10% under $30,000, 9.2% from $30,000 to $60,000, 13% from $60,000 to $100,000, 17% from $100,000 to $150,000, and 19% at $150,000 and over. The top band gained 14 points, the bottom band five. Working from home now runs with pay in a way it did not before, and the median remote worker earns about $74,000 against about $54,000 for the median commuter. In 2019 the two medians were the same.

 

 

Flat in 2019, a staircase in 2024. Set the industry to office-based and the staircase mostly disappears: within those industries pay matters much less than being in them.
Figure 2. Flat in 2019, a staircase in 2024. Set the industry to office-based and the staircase mostly disappears: within those industries pay matters much less than being in them.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

Blue is 2019, orange is 2024, one pair per earnings band, with the 90% margins. The filters hold borough and industry fixed.

Who can work from home

The gradient is mostly about what people do for a living. By occupation, the 2024 share at home runs from 30% in arts, media and entertainment, 26% in computing and 22% in business and finance, through 17% in law and management, down to 8% in teaching, 7% among doctors and nurses, 5% in cleaning, 4.1% in construction and 2.7% in food service and in police, fire and security. In 2019 every one of those groups was under 13%, and most were under 7%. The occupations with the largest moves home are the ones whose work can be done away from a workplace; the occupations that barely moved are the ones whose work cannot.

 

 

Arts and media, computing, business and finance at the top; food service, protective service and construction at the bottom, where they were in 2019.
Figure 3. Arts and media, computing, business and finance at the top; food service, protective service and construction at the bottom, where they were in 2019.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

One pair of bars per census occupation group, sorted by the 2024 share. Filter by borough.

The same split shows up as a map. Manhattan residents are at home at 18%, Brooklyn at 14%, Queens at 10%, Staten Island at 7.6% and the Bronx at 6.7%. In 2019 the five boroughs ran from 7.6% to 2.9%, in the same order. The Bronx did not fail to go remote; its residents hold fewer of the jobs in which working from home spread.

 

 

Manhattan 18%, the Bronx 6.7%. Set the industry to office-based and the top four boroughs land within three points of each other; the Bronx stays low.
Figure 4. Manhattan 18%, the Bronx 6.7%. Set the industry to office-based and the top four boroughs land within three points of each other; the Bronx stays low.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

Residence, not workplace. Filter by earnings and industry to see how much of the borough gap is the jobs its residents hold.

And it shows up by who people are. White workers are at home at 18%, Asian workers at 12%, Hispanic workers at 9% and Black workers at 8.5%. Workers with a bachelor’s degree are at 17% against 8% without one. Women are at home slightly more than men, and US-born workers far more than the foreign-born, 15% against 9%. Hold the degree fixed and the racial gap narrows but stays: among degree holders, white workers are at home at 20% and Black workers at 12%. Hold the industry fixed instead, inside the office-based industries, and it is 24% against 16%. Part of the gap goes with which jobs people hold; the census cannot say what accounts for the rest.

 

 

Pick a comparison: race, degree, sex, age, nativity or class of worker. The self-employed were the original remote workers, at 19% in 2019 and 26% now.
Figure 5. Pick a comparison: race, degree, sex, age, nativity or class of worker. The self-employed were the original remote workers, at 19% in 2019 and 26% now.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

One pair of bars per group. Hispanic of any race; the other groups are non-Hispanic. Filter by borough.

Who still goes to the office

So let’s ask the question in the title of the workers it is usually asked about. Call a worker an office-industry worker if their employer is in information, finance and insurance, real estate, professional and technical services, management of companies, or administrative and support services: the , about 30% of the city’s resident workers, 1.2 million people. In 2019, 7.2% of them usually worked from home. In 2024 it is 21%, one in five, and they make up 49% of everyone in the city who works from home. Outside those industries the share at home is 9%.

Which means four in five office-industry workers still travel. How they travel has shifted: the subway carried 53% of them in 2019 and 44% in 2024, the car 17% and then 14%, walking 10% and then 9%. Nearly all of the change in how office-industry workers get to work shows up in the subway’s share. Two-thirds of the ones who commute are going to Manhattan, as before.

 

 

One office-industry worker in five is at home; the subway's share of them fell from 53% to 44%, the car's from 17% to 14%.
Figure 6. One office-industry worker in five is at home; the subway's share of them fell from 53% to 44%, the car's from 17% to 14%.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

Each pair of bars is the share of office-industry workers whose usual means of transportation is that mode, 2019 and 2024. Filter by borough and earnings.

Inside these industries the pay staircase flattens out: 20% at home under $30,000, 16%, 22%, 24%, 21% up the bands. And the borough gap mostly closes, with Manhattan, Brooklyn and Queens residents in office industries at home at 20 to 23%; only the Bronx, at 12%, stays apart. The citywide gradients by pay and by borough are largely a gradient in who holds an office-industry job.

What it did to the commute, and to Manhattan

The commutes that went missing show up in the same census file. Between 2019 and 2024 the number of resident workers grew slightly and the number of commuters fell by about 300,000, from 3.86 million to 3.56 million. Nearly all of that loss is in the subway’s column. It carried 43% of the city’s workers in 2019 and 37% in 2024, while the car’s share barely moved, from 26% to 25%, and the bus and walking each lost a point. The census does not follow individual workers from one year to the next, so it cannot say which 2019 commuters became 2024 remote workers; what it can say is that the groups that moved home were, in 2019, disproportionately subway riders on short trips into Manhattan, and the groups still on the platform are the ones whose jobs never had a remote option.

Manhattan is where it lands. Count the people whose place of work is Manhattan and who physically travel there, residents of the five boroughs and of the suburbs in the census files for the region together: 2.55 million in 2019 and 2.24 million in 2024, a drop of about 305,000, or 12%. City residents account for about 230,000 of the decline, from 1.87 million to 1.64 million, and suburban residents for about 74,000, from 681,000 to 607,000. Brooklyn sends 65,000 fewer people to Manhattan jobs each day than it did, Queens 33,000 fewer, the Bronx 38,000 fewer, New Jersey 42,000 fewer.

 

 

About 305,000 fewer people travel to a Manhattan job than in 2019: 230,000 fewer city residents and 74,000 fewer suburban ones.
Figure 7. About 305,000 fewer people travel to a Manhattan job than in 2019: 230,000 fewer city residents and 74,000 fewer suburban ones.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

One pair of bars per place of residence; the count is workers whose is Manhattan and who did not usually work from home. Suburban commuters from beyond the census study area are not counted.

That is the demand side of a story the office market tells from the supply side. Manhattan’s office vacancy rate was under 8% at the start of 2020, reached 16% in April 2024, the highest since the early 1990s, and had come back to about 13% by March 2026 as leasing recovered and older buildings were taken out of the stock. Roughly one Manhattan-bound worker in eight is no longer counted, and roughly one office square foot in eight stands empty. The two figures rhyme, but the vacancy rate has causes of its own, from lease timing to new supply and demolitions, and the census cannot say how much of it is remote work.

The census stops in 2024. To see where things stand in September 2026 we switch to two other kinds of evidence: a monthly survey that asks a broader question about working at home, and the MTA’s own daily counts.

Where things stand in 2026

Since June 2024 the Current Population Survey, the monthly survey of about 60,000 households behind the unemployment rate, has asked everyone who was at work a plain question: Any hours count, so a hybrid worker says yes, and a second question asks how many of the week’s hours were at home. About 650 employed New York City residents answer each month, and the five boroughs can be picked out of the public file.

From January to August 2026, about 25% of employed New Yorkers worked at home for at least part of the week: 10% for all of it and 15% for some of it. In the same months of 2025 the figures were 24%, 8.5% and 16%. Within the noise of a sample this size, the three shares have not moved. The city sits a little above the national figure of about 22%, and its one-in-ten fully at home is the closest match to the census’s one in eight usually at home.

The gradient is the same one the census drew. Among employed residents with a bachelor’s degree, 42% worked at home for some or all of the week in 2026; among those without, 6%. In management, business and professional occupations, 43%; in every other occupation, 10%. Manhattan residents 42%, the other four boroughs together 20%. Government employees, whose share was 14% in 2025, are at 20% in 2026, the one group whose number moved.

 

 

Month by month from June 2024: about a quarter of employed New Yorkers with any hours at home, about a tenth with the whole week at home, and no trend in either.
Figure 8. Month by month from June 2024: about a quarter of employed New Yorkers with any hours at home, about a tenth with the whole week at home, and no trend in either.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

One bar per month; switch between any hours at home, all hours, some hours, and the national figure. Monthly samples are small and adjacent months share most of their respondents, so read the level, not the wiggles. No file exists for October 2025, when the survey was not conducted during the federal shutdown.

 

 

January to August 2026 against the same months of 2025: 42% of degree holders and 6% of everyone else had hours at home, and only government workers moved.
Figure 9. January to August 2026 against the same months of 2025: 42% of degree holders and 6% of everyone else had hours at home, and only government workers moved.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

One pair per group; the ticks are approximate margins from the spread of the monthly estimates. Switch between any, all and some hours at home.

The MTA’s turnstiles say the same thing in a different unit. Through 3 September 2026, average weekday subway ridership stood at 75% of the MTA’s 2019 baseline, and the shape of the week is the shape of a hybrid office. Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday run at 77 to 79% of their 2019 counts, about 4.2 million riders a day against 5.4 million; Monday runs at 69% and Friday at 71%, 3.8 million riders against a 2019 Friday of 5.4 million. Weekends are at 88 to 89%. The commuter railroads show the same midweek hump more sharply, with the Long Island Rail Road at 91% on Wednesdays and Thursdays and 77% on Mondays, and above its 2019 level on weekends. Vehicle crossings at the bridges and tunnels are at 100% every day of the week. The traffic all came back; midweek rail ridership mostly came back; Monday and Friday rail ridership did not.

 

 

Subway ridership by day of the week as a share of the same day in 2019: a Tuesday-to-Thursday plateau near 78%, Monday and Friday around 70%, weekends near 89%.
Figure 10. Subway ridership by day of the week as a share of the same day in 2019: a Tuesday-to-Thursday plateau near 78%, Monday and Friday around 70%, weekends near 89%.
How to read this, and what it cannot show

One bar per day of the week; pick the year, and switch between the subway, the buses, the two commuter railroads and the bridges and tunnels. Trips, not commuters, and no margins: these are the MTA’s for that day of the week.

Employers’ own reports line up with both. The Partnership for New York City’s spring 2025 survey of major Manhattan office employers put 57% of their workers at the workplace on an average weekday, 76% of pre-pandemic attendance, with a tenth in five days a week, three in ten on a three-day schedule and 8% fully remote. Kastle’s badge swipes for the week of 8 December 2025 put New York at 59.5% of its pre-pandemic level, a post-pandemic high. Three-fifths of the office desks are occupied on an average day; three-quarters of the 2019 subway riders are on a midweek train; a quarter of employed residents do some work at home in a given week; one in eight usually does all of it. Those are four measurements of one arrangement.

So who still goes to the office?

Most people, and almost everyone who was never asked. Seven in eight New York City workers still travel to a job, and for the food-service worker, the nurse, the construction worker and the police officer nothing about the pandemic changed where the work is. The people who stopped going are a specific group: paid above the median, degree-holding, in an office industry, living in Manhattan or Brooklyn, disproportionately white and US-born, and, in the monthly survey, more likely to be splitting the week than to have left the office altogether.

The city around that group looks different too, and three separate measures say so. About 305,000 fewer people travel to a Manhattan job than in 2019. About one Manhattan office square foot in eight stands empty. And the turnstile counts, like the employer surveys, put the office week at Tuesday to Thursday. Those measures are consistent with one another, but they are three measurements rather than one chain of cause and effect, and none of them follows the same people over time. The more striking fact, six years on, is how settled they all look. The census share had levelled off by 2024; the monthly survey has been flat since it began; the turnstile counts have crept up a point or two a year. The office did not come back and it did not go away. It found a level, and the level has a very particular set of people in it.

Cut the data your own way

The dashboard runs on the same 66,000 census records as the 2019 and 2024 comparisons above. Pick a year, a borough, an industry, an earnings band and a degree, and see the share at home, who commutes by subway, who travels to Manhattan, and what those workers earn.

usually worked from home
workers (weighted estimate)
of commuters take the subway
travel to a Manhattan workplace
earn $100,000 or more
work 35 hours or more

Share usually working from home by occupation group, under the filters above

Loading the census records…

Every number here is a weighted tabulation of census microdata records, so the cross-tabulations it shows are measured relationships within one survey. Nothing is modelled. The headline tile carries an approximate 90% margin: a binomial margin on the record count, scaled by a design effect calibrated on the article's replicate-weight margins (click the ? on the tile). The article's charts carry the exact margins; treat any selection with a wide margin as indicative.

Questions this raises

How well do these numbers match the Bureau’s own?

Closely, in every year, and that is the check everything else rests on. The Bureau’s 2019 table reports 4,032,673 ± 21,303 city workers and 187,030 ± 8,791 of them working from home, a share of 4.6%; rebuilding the same universe from the 2019 microdata gives 4,047,572 ± 25,555 workers and 188,639 ± 10,158 at home, 4.7% ± 0.3, inside the . For 2024 the table reports 4,070,607 ± 20,036 workers and 509,852 ± 12,449 at home; the microdata gives 4,065,043 ± 24,289 and 509,012 ± 13,017. The 2021, 2022 and 2023 tables and the five boroughs in 2019 and 2024 reproduce the same way, as does the subway’s share of workers in each year. The full comparison is in the companion files.

Why is the census figure so much lower than the surveys that say a third of people work from home?

Because it asks a different question. The census asks how the person usually got to work last week and takes one answer; someone at home two days and on the subway three is a subway rider. The Current Population Survey asks whether any paid work happened at home, and the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ time-use survey asks where work happened on a particular day; both count the hybrid worker. So the three national figures for 2024 and 2025, 13% usually at home, 22% with any hours at home, 34.5% working at home on days worked, describe one arrangement three ways. For New York the first two are 12.5% and about 25%, and the monthly survey’s 10% whose whole week is at home is the nearest thing to the census’s one in eight.

What is the remote worker like, in one profile?

Compared with a commuter, a worker who usually works from home in 2024 is far more likely to be in an office-based industry (49% against 27%), to hold a bachelor’s degree (69% against 48%), to earn $100,000 or more (38% against 25%), to be white (48% against 32%), to live in Manhattan (32% against 21%), to be self-employed (21% against 9%) and to be a woman (53% against 49%), and less likely to be Black or Hispanic (31% against 46%) or foreign-born (31% against 45%). Every one of those differences exceeds the sum of the two margins. They are equally likely to be under 35 and to work full time. In 2019 the remote worker was already whiter, more Manhattan and more often self-employed than the commuter, but earned the same and was no more likely to be paid $100,000; the pay and degree gaps are what 2020 added.

Did people at home simply move out of the city?

Not in these figures: the census counts residents by where they live, and the number of city residents at work rose slightly between 2019 and 2024, from 4.05 million to 4.07 million. Someone who left for Westchester and kept a Manhattan job is counted there, not here, which is why the Manhattan commuter count above adds the suburban files. Whether the same people who were at home in 2021 are still at home in 2024 cannot be seen either; the census does not follow individuals through time.

What happened to the 2019 remote workers’ earnings?

In 2019 the median worker at home, the median commuter and the median worker overall all earned about $66,000 in 2024 dollars, and 35% of remote workers were paid $100,000 or more against 33% of commuters, a difference inside the margin. The 2019 remote worker was a mix: 36% were self-employed, and the share at home was highest in arts and media, computing, personal care and sales. In 2024 the self-employed are still at home at the highest rate of any class of worker, 26%, but they are now a fifth of the remote workers rather than a third; the rest of the growth is salaried employees of private firms, whose share at home went from 3.5% to 12%. Government employees went from 1.8% to 5.7%.

Is the Bronx gap all jobs?

Most of it. Bronx residents in the office-based industries are at home at 12% against 20 to 23% for residents of the other boroughs in the same industries, so a gap remains inside the industries, and a Bronx resident earning $100,000 to $150,000 is at home at 12% against 20% for a Manhattan resident in the same band. The census cannot say why. Occupation within an industry, the employer’s policy, the kind of home available for working in, and who moved where since 2020 are all candidates, and only the first of those is in the data.

Why not use the five-year file?

Because it pools 2020 through 2024, and the thing being measured changed every year in that window: the pooled share at home is 17%, which is no year’s number. The one-year files are smaller, about 33,000 city workers each, so some cuts are thin and are labelled that way, but each one is a clean year. The 2020 file is drawn but flagged: the Bureau published it with experimental weights and no standard tables, and its 21% should be read as an order of magnitude.

How much should the monthly survey be trusted?

As a level with a range, not as a monthly reading. Each month’s New York City sample is about 650 employed people, so a single month’s share has a margin of several points, and the survey re-interviews the same households in consecutive months, so adjacent readings are not independent. The margins drawn on the group chart come from the spread of the monthly estimates over the period and are approximate. Two more cautions. The Bureau updates its population controls every January, which shifts the weighted counts, so shares rather than counts are compared across years. And the sample shrank after the shutdown in the autumn of 2025, which is why the September to December 2025 figures are shown but not leaned on.

What do the employer surveys and badge counts measure that the census does not?

Jobs rather than residents, and days rather than usual arrangements. The Partnership’s survey asks Manhattan’s large office employers what share of their workers are in on an average weekday, which includes commuters from New Jersey and Connecticut and excludes every worker outside a Manhattan office; its 57% is an attendance rate, not a remote-work share. Kastle’s index counts badge swipes in the buildings it secures, relative to the same buildings before the pandemic, and most of the largest Manhattan portfolios are not its clients. The MTA counts trips. Each is a good measure of something the census cannot see, and none of them can say who the workers are.

Where this data goes quiet

Anything below the borough. How many days a week the census’s commuter actually goes in, since the census takes one usual answer. The second job. Whether the remote worker’s employer is in Manhattan, since a person at home has their home as place of work. Reverse commuters and suburban residents beyond the census study area. Whether the same people were at home in 2021 and 2024. And the microdata is a disclosure-protected sample of the survey, with a few top-coded values, so every relationship seen in it is an estimate of the city’s, not the city itself.

Under the hood: data, definitions, estimators and the full results

This is the methods note for everything above. It is deliberately more technical than the rest.

The published anchor. Census table B08301 (means of transportation to work, workers 16 and over; the final row is “worked from home”) for the city, its five counties and the United States, from the one-year survey: 2019 from the Bureau’s sequence-format summary file, 2021 to 2023 from the table-based summary files, 2024 from the Census Reporter mirror. No one-year table exists for 2020.

Census microdata. The one-year public-use microdata samples for 2015 to 2024 covering New York, New Jersey and Connecticut, cut to a metro study area of 156 microdata areas and then to residents of the five boroughs who were at work in the reference week and therefore have a means of transportation: about 33,000 person records a year, carrying 80 replicate weights and representing about four million workers. Working from home is the usual-means code 11; commuters are everyone else. Own earnings are wages plus self-employment income, adjusted by the Bureau’s within-year factor and then to 2024 dollars with the New York-metro consumer price index, and cut into five fixed bands. Industry is collapsed to ten sectors, with sectors 51 to 56 defined as office-based; occupation to the Bureau’s major groups, the 2015 to 2017 files carrying the 2010 codes whose major-group ranges coincide to within a few codes. Place of work is at borough level, Manhattan coded 3800 in the 2010 geography used through 2021 and 4100 in the 2020 geography from 2022. A worker physically commutes to Manhattan if the place of work is Manhattan and the usual means is not working from home; because a person at home reports home as their place of work, that condition binds only for Manhattan residents. The 2020 file carries the Bureau’s experimental weights and is flagged wherever it appears.

The monthly survey. Current Population Survey basic monthly public-use files from June 2024, when the telework items entered the basic questionnaire, to August 2026. The items ask everyone employed and at work whether they teleworked or worked at home for pay at any time last week and, if so, how many of the week’s hours across all jobs. Residents of the five counties are identified through the county code; the universe is employed-and-at-work, 16 and over, weighted by the final person weight. Monthly city samples run 570 to 720 people. No file exists for October 2025, when the survey was not conducted during the federal shutdown, and the sample is smaller from November 2025. “All hours at home” means the hours teleworked cover every hour actually worked that week at all jobs. The extraction reads the Bureau’s record layouts and the fixed-width files directly.

Transit. MTA daily subway, bus, Long Island Rail Road, Metro-North and bridge-and-tunnel counts from 1 March 2020 to 3 September 2026, averaged by year and by day of the week. The 2019 baseline for each mode and each weekday is recovered from the MTA’s frozen 2020 to 2025 file, which carries the MTA’s own share of the comparable pre-pandemic day for every date: the count divided by that share, averaged over 2024 by day of the week.

Estimators. For a statistic computed with the full person weight, the same statistic is recomputed with each of the 80 replicate weights and the variance is the Bureau’s successive-difference estimator, four-eightieths of the summed squared deviations of the 80 replicate estimates from the full-weight one. Margins are 90%, or 1.645 standard errors. Counts are weighted sums, shares weighted means, medians weighted medians without a margin. The monthly survey’s public file has no replicate weights, so a pooled estimate from it is the mean of the monthly weighted estimates and its standard error is their standard deviation divided by the square root of the number of months; because consecutive months share three quarters of their sample this understates the true error, and the figures above are rounded accordingly. Every combination the chart controls can reach is precomputed on the microdata with the same estimators and a margin on each bar, and shipped as one file; cells resting on fewer than 30 survey records are labelled too thin rather than drawn. The dashboard sums pre-aggregated cells and carries no margins.

Does it reproduce? Every published count, share and borough share lands inside the margin in every year, as does the subway’s share of workers, which is what checks the mode coding. The year-by-year comparison is the reproduction table.

The series. The share at home ran 4.0% in 2015, 4.7% in 2019, 24.0% in 2021, 16.2% in 2022, 13.4% in 2023 and 12.5% ± 0.3% in 2024; the 2023 to 2024 difference sits inside the margin. Commuters fell by about 303,000 between 2019 and 2024 while the number of workers rose slightly. The subway’s share of workers fell 5.8 points, the car’s 1.0.

Who is at home. In 2019 the earnings bands were within 1.4 points of each other; in 2024 they run from 10.4% to 18.7%, and the median worker at home earns $74,213 against $53,598 for the median commuter — in 2019 both medians fell on the same heaped value, about $66,300. Inside the office-based industries the gradient largely vanishes (20.2%, 16.3%, 22.3%, 24.3% and 20.9% up the bands) and the borough gradient closes except for the Bronx, 12.2% against 20.4 to 22.6%. The 9.0-point difference between white and Black workers citywide is 7.8 points among degree holders and 8.7 points inside the office-based industries; the census cannot decompose it further than occupation and industry. The self-employed were the original remote workers, 18.7% in 2019 and 25.6% in 2024; private employees went from 3.5% to 12.0% and government employees from 1.8% to 5.7%.

Manhattan. The count of workers physically travelling to a Manhattan workplace fell by 305,409, or 12.0%, of which 231,081 are city residents and 74,328 suburban residents of the study area. Commuters from beyond the study area — eastern Suffolk, the upper Hudson Valley, Pennsylvania — are not counted, so the study area’s suburban count of 607,046 in 2024 is a floor for inbound commuting, not a total.

2026 in the monthly survey. The any-hours share is 24.4% in January to August 2025 and 24.9% in the same months of 2026; the all-hours share 8.5% and 9.9%; the some-hours share 15.9% and 15.0%. Every difference is inside the approximate margins. The gradient reproduces the census’s: 41.7% of degree holders against 6.1% of everyone else, 42.7% in management, business and professional occupations against 10.4%, Manhattan residents 42.0% against 20.0%. Government employees moved from 13.8% to 19.8%.

2026 in the transit counts. In 2026 to date the subway runs at 77 to 79% of 2019 on Tuesday to Thursday, 69% on Monday, 71% on Friday and 88 to 89% at weekends: about 4.19 million riders on a midweek day against a 2019 baseline of 5.40 million, and 3.85 million on a Friday against 5.44 million. The Long Island Rail Road is at 91% on Wednesdays and Thursdays and 77% on Mondays, and above 2019 at weekends; Metro-North 88% midweek and 74% on Mondays; bridge-and-tunnel crossings 95 to 105% every day. The midweek plateau has risen from 60% in 2022 through 70% in 2023, 71% in 2024 and 76% in 2025 to 78% in 2026.

One arrangement, three definitions. Nationally the same thing is 13% in the census, which asks for the usual means of getting to work; about 22% in the monthly survey, which asks about any hours last week; and 34.5% in the time-use survey, which asks whether any work was done at home on a diary day. None of the three is wrong, and none of them is comparable to the others.

Rerunning it. The analysis script computes every figure and number above, the charts and the dashboard in one run from a fixed seed; its docstring is the long-form method. The companion dataset is the census records themselves: the 66,000 city resident workers in the 2019 and 2024 files, with their survey weights and the derived variables, so a weighted mean of its worked_from_home column within a year reproduces the headline share.

Sources

  1. U.S. Census Bureau — Means of Transportation to Work (B08301), New York city, ACS 2019 1-year — 4,032,673 ± 21,303 workers, 187,030 ± 8,791 of them worked from home (4.6%); the pre-pandemic anchor, taken from the Bureau's summary file
  2. U.S. Census Bureau — Means of Transportation to Work (B08301), New York city and United States, ACS 2024 1-year — 4,070,607 ± 20,036 workers, 509,852 ± 12,449 worked from home (12.5%); nationally 13.3%; the five counties from the same release
  3. U.S. Census Bureau — the same table for 2021, 2022 and 2023 (1-year summary files) — 24.1% of city workers at home in 2021, 16.1% in 2022, 13.4% in 2023; no one-year table was published for 2020
  4. U.S. Census Bureau — ACS 2015–2024 1-Year PUMS (New York, New Jersey, Connecticut), person files with replicate weights — every count, share and margin labelled census; the 2020 file carries the Bureau's experimental weights
  5. U.S. Census Bureau and Bureau of Labor Statistics — Current Population Survey basic monthly public-use files, June 2024 to August 2026, with the telework items — the 2026 view: any telework last week, and hours, for employed residents of the five boroughs; no October 2025 file exists because the survey was not conducted during the federal shutdown
  6. U.S. Census Bureau — Current Population Survey Telework Items, technical documentation (January 2024) — the question wording and universe for the telework items
  7. Metropolitan Transportation Authority — MTA Daily Ridership and Traffic: Beginning 2020 (data.ny.gov) — daily subway, bus, railroad and bridge-and-tunnel counts through 3 September 2026
  8. Metropolitan Transportation Authority — MTA Daily Ridership Data: 2020–2025 (data.ny.gov) — the MTA's share-of-comparable-pre-pandemic-day figure for each date, from which the 2019 baseline for each day of the week is recovered
  9. Partnership for New York City — Return to Office Survey Results, March 2025 — employers report 57% of Manhattan office workers at the workplace on an average weekday, 76% of pre-pandemic attendance; 8% fully remote, 10% in five days a week, 30% three
  10. Kastle Systems — Back to Work Barometer hits all-time post-pandemic highs (week of 8 December 2025) — badge-swipe occupancy in the buildings Kastle secures: New York 59.5% of the pre-pandemic level
  11. Office of the NYC Comptroller — Spotlight: New York City's Office Market (May 2024) — Manhattan office vacancy under 8% at the start of 2020 and 16% in April 2024; about 600 million square feet of office space in Manhattan
  12. PropertyShark (Yardi Research) — NYC Office Market Report, Q1 2026 (27 May 2026) — Manhattan office vacancy 13.1% at the end of March 2026
  13. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics — American Time Use Survey, 2025 results, Table 6 (25 June 2026) — nationally, 34.5% of employed people did some or all of their work at home on days they worked in 2025; 51.4% of those with a bachelor's degree, 19.0% of high-school graduates